1906 Anshun Revival

The 1906 Anshun Revival was not a spontaneous, isolated event but the product of a dynamic confluence of factors: the socio-political marginalization of the Miao people in a decaying Qing empire, the specific missiological strategies of the China Inland Mission (CIM), the catalytic influence of the global Welsh Revival, and the profound social and spiritual agency of the Miao themselves.

These elements created a unique historical moment that resulted in one of modern China’s most significant indigenous Christian “people movements.” This report analyzes the historical conditions that made the revival possible, narrates its dramatic unfolding, and assesses its profound and lasting legacy for the Miao communities of southwestern China.

By examining the interplay of local grievances, missionary strategy, global spiritual currents, and indigenous initiative, a comprehensive picture emerges of a movement that was at once a religious awakening and a socio-cultural revolution.

The Crucible of Guizhou: A Province on the Brink

The conditions in late Qing Guizhou province were foundational to the revival’s outbreak. Decades of ethnic conflict, incomplete state control, and systemic decay created a society ripe for radical change, particularly among its marginalized non-Han populations.

Guizhou as an “Unruly Internal Frontier”

When the Qing dynasty consolidated its rule over southwestern China in the mid-17th century, Guizhou remained an “unruly internal frontier”.¹ Unlike the core provinces of Han China, Guizhou was an ethnic patchwork, dominated by a variety of non-Han groups, most notably the Miao, each with distinct languages and customs.¹

The region’s rough topography and poor communications fostered a deep-seated isolation.² Imperial control was tenuous at best. For centuries, most of the land was governed not by Qing magistrates but by hereditary native officials, or tusi, who functioned largely beyond the reach of imperial law.¹

The Qing court regarded these non-state spaces as a source of “violence and barbarism,” indecipherable to its authorities and a potential sanctuary for rebels and bandits.¹ This frontier status meant that imperial power was often violently imposed rather than organically accepted, creating a cultural and political space more open to alternative systems of belief and authority than was possible in regions with deep-rooted Confucian-bureaucratic structures.

Qing Centralization and the Legacy of Conflict

Beginning in the 1720s, the Qing state initiated aggressive campaigns to abolish the tusi system and replace it with direct bureaucratic rule, a policy known as gaitu guiliu.¹ This intrusion into the traditional autonomy of the indigenous groups was met with “fierce resistance”.¹ The result was a brutal and prolonged cycle of minority rebellions and violent state suppression.

This history of conflict was so endemic that a local saying emerged: “a riot every 30 years and a major rebellion every 60 years”.⁴ Major Miao rebellions convulsed the province in 1735, from 1795–1806, and again from 1854–1873, the latter coinciding with the devastating Taiping Rebellion that also destabilized the region.³ These uprisings invariably ended in disaster for the Miao, with massacres and starvation decimating their population.⁴

These repeated, failed struggles were more than just political events; they were deeply traumatic cultural experiences that demonstrated the futility of resisting the Qing state through traditional military means. This long and violent history of subjugation engendered a collective sense of powerlessness and a deep-seated desire for a source of power that could challenge or supersede the authority of the local Chinese officials and landlords who oppressed them.⁶

It was this pre-conditioned receptivity to an external power that would prove critical. Western missionaries, protected by the legal privileges of extraterritoriality granted under the “unequal treaties,” represented just such a power.⁷ They operated with a degree of impunity that was unimaginable for the Miao.

Consequently, aligning with the missionaries and their God could be perceived not merely as a spiritual choice, but as a pragmatic, socio-political strategy for a people seeking leverage against their historical adversaries.

This dynamic is supported by scholarly analysis suggesting that such millennial movements often arise from a realization of the “transcendent political power of Western missionaries over the Miao’s traditional adversary, the Chinese state”.⁹

The Waning of the Qing Dynasty

By the turn of the 20th century, the Qing dynasty was in terminal decline. Labeled the “Sick Man of East Asia,” the empire was beset by a cascade of crises: crippling defeats in foreign wars, relentless population pressure, elite overproduction, and severe fiscal stress that led to widespread internal rebellion.⁵

This systemic weakness crippled the state’s capacity to govern effectively, particularly in peripheral regions like Guizhou. The decay of the central state created a crucial opportunity.

It not only reduced the state’s ability to suppress heterodox movements but also delegitimized the traditional imperial order in the eyes of marginalized groups, making them more receptive to new ideologies that promised security and justice where the emperor had failed.

The China Inland Mission and the “Unfruitful Field”

The specific character and strategy of the China Inland Mission (CIM) were uniquely suited to the conditions in Guizhou. Its initial lack of success among the Han population proved to be a critical catalyst, forcing a strategic reorientation that led directly to the revival.

The Unique Ethos of the CIM

Founded by James Hudson Taylor in 1865, the CIM was an interdenominational Protestant mission with a singular focus on evangelizing China’s unreached inland provinces.¹⁰ Its ethos was distinct from that of many other missionary societies. The CIM operated on principles of faith, refusing to solicit funds or incur debt, and its missionaries had no guaranteed salaries.⁷

Most importantly, Taylor insisted that missionaries identify with the Chinese people by adopting local dress and customs, a radical departure from the common practice of living in foreign compounds in coastal treaty ports.⁷ While this strategy of cultural immersion was initially aimed at building trust with the Han, it was perfectly suited for engaging with minority groups like the Miao, who were deeply suspicious of outsiders.

Pioneering Guizhou: A “Notoriously Barren” Field

The first CIM missionaries, Charles Henry Judd and James F. Broumton, arrived in Guizhou in 1877.¹¹ For the next two decades, their work, which was focused exclusively on the Han Chinese population, yielded minimal results. Missionary Samuel R. Clarke, who served in Guizhou for 20 years, later described the province as a “notoriously barren and unfruitful” field for mission work among the Chinese.¹²

By 1895, there were only four small mission stations in the vast province—at Guiyang, Anshun, Singyifu, and Tushan—staffed by a mere nineteen missionaries.¹² The lack of progress was stark: at the start of the new century, the entire province could claim only 70 Protestant believers.¹³

This prolonged failure was not a sign of missiological incompetence but rather the necessary precondition for the CIM’s groundbreaking work with the Miao. As an organization, the mission sought results to justify its existence. The “barrenness” of the Han field created an imperative to innovate and forced a strategic re-evaluation that led missionaries to a far more receptive population they had previously overlooked.

James R. Adam and the Strategic Pivot to the Miao

The key figure in this strategic shift was James R. Adam, a Scottish missionary stationed in Anshun.⁶ After enduring years of discouragement and the personal tragedy of losing his first wife and child, Adam began to turn his attention to the numerous Miao communities in the region.¹⁴ Beginning around 1896, the CIM made a definite effort to evangelize the non-Chinese peoples.¹²

Adam embraced this new direction with vigor. He undertook the arduous task of learning multiple Miao dialects and began a systematic, relational outreach. Untiring in his travels, he eventually visited 250 different villages, building personal relationships with community leaders.¹³

His approach was grassroots and deeply personal, a stark contrast to the more static, institution-based mission work common elsewhere. This profound personal investment and strategic pivot away from the unresponsive Han population laid the essential groundwork for the revival that was to come.

A Global Spark: The Welsh Revival and its Echoes

The Anshun Revival did not occur in a spiritual vacuum. It was profoundly influenced by a global wave of religious fervor that emanated from the 1904–1905 Welsh Revival, which created an atmosphere of intense expectation among missionaries worldwide.

The Character of the Welsh Revival (1904-1905)

The revival in Wales was a massive spiritual awakening that saw over 100,000 people convert to Christianity in less than a year.¹⁵ It was not led by powerful preachers but was characterized by a sense of spontaneous outpouring of the Holy Spirit.¹⁶ Meetings were marked by fervent, often simultaneous prayer, emotional worship, and dramatic public confession of sins by men, women, and even children.¹⁶

The revival had a tangible impact on Welsh society, with reports of crime rates dropping, pubs closing, and long-standing feuds being reconciled.¹⁶ This event provided a powerful new “template” for what a genuine move of God looked like, and its key features—spontaneity, mass conversion, and public repentance—would become the hallmarks of subsequent revivals around the globe.

Global Transmission and Missionary Expectation

News of the Welsh Revival spread rapidly through the extensive networks of international missionary societies. Missionaries in isolated posts read dramatic accounts of the events in publications like the CIM’s own journal, China’s Millions.¹⁹ The revival’s influence was explicitly international, directly triggering or inspiring similar movements in India, Korea, North America, and across China.¹⁵

This created a global atmosphere of prayer and a powerful sense of expectation that God was moving in a specific, observable way across the world.²⁴ Missionaries began to pray for and anticipate a similar “Pentecost” in their own fields.²²

This global context provided missionaries like James Adam with a crucial interpretive lens. The news from Wales gave them a theological framework for understanding the events that began to unfold in Anshun. What might otherwise have been viewed as a successful but localized “people movement” was immediately understood and reported in the epic, global terms of “revival.”

This framing amplified its perceived significance both for the missionaries on the ground and for the wider Christian world that received their reports. They were psychologically and theologically primed to see the mass interest from the Miao not just as effective evangelism, but as the arrival of the global revival on their remote doorstep.

The Anshun Awakening: A Narrative of Transformation

After years of patient groundwork and in a climate of global spiritual expectation, the movement among the Miao of Guizhou erupted in 1906 with astonishing speed and intensity.

The Outbreak among the Hua Miao

Following Adam’s extensive outreach, the revival broke out among the Hua (Flowery) Miao near Anshun. An early report published in China’s Millions in 1906 announced that 61 Miao had been baptized in the presence of an astonishing crowd of 1,000 to 2,000 of their fellow tribesmen.¹³

This massive attendance at an early baptismal service indicates that the conversions were not a series of isolated individual decisions but a communal phenomenon. The social fabric of entire villages was turning toward Christianity en masse as the movement spread rapidly from one community to the next.²⁶

Symbolic Acts of Conversion: The Bonfires

A central and dramatic feature of the revival was the public and ritualistic destruction of animist and shamanistic objects. After hearing the gospel, entire villages would gather to build large bonfires. Into these fires, they would throw their sacrificial drums, sorcerers’ wands, paper charms, and “soul-packets” used to ward off evil spirits.¹²

One woman was recorded as declaring, “Why should I wear this lucky charm? I now trust in the living God,” before casting it into the flames.²⁶

These bonfires were a powerful and unambiguous public ritual, functioning as a revolutionary social technology. In traditional Miao society, shamans held significant power as mediators with a spirit world that was a primary source of fear and anxiety.¹³ The public, collective destruction of the tools of this system was a direct and visible repudiation of the shamans’ authority and the spirits’ power.

This act of renunciation created a social and spiritual vacuum by shattering the old power structures and breaking the social obligations tied to animist rituals. This void was then filled by the new Christian community structure, with its own leaders, chapels, and social norms.⁶ The revival was thus not merely an addition of new beliefs but a fundamental re-engineering of the social order, catalyzed by the irreversible ritual of the bonfires.

Rapid Expansion to Other Miao Groups

The revival’s fire spread with remarkable speed through indigenous social networks. From the Hua Miao, the movement quickly expanded to the Hmong Shua (Water Miao) and the A-Hmao.¹³ Hearing the news, delegations from distant A-Hmao villages undertook arduous journeys of eight to ten days, traversing steep mountains and deep rivers on foot to reach James Adam in Anshun and learn about the new faith.¹³

Recognizing that some of these groups lived closer to the Methodist mission station in Zhaotong, Yunnan, Adam directed them to his fellow Scottish missionary, Samuel Pollard. This act of comity further accelerated the movement’s spread into a neighboring province.¹³ The speed and scale of this expansion underscore that the revival was propelled not primarily by missionary itineration, but by the Miao people themselves carrying the message to their own kinsmen.

The Theology of the Revival

The revival’s theology was not abstract or systematic but was a practical “theology of power” that directly addressed the deepest fears and “felt needs” of the Miao people.²⁸ The core message was one of liberation from the constant fear of demons and malevolent spirits that characterized their animist worldview.⁶

Jesus was presented as a great liberator and a supreme spiritual protector whose power far exceeded that of the old spirits. The response was one of “unquestioning faith” in the gospel’s simple teachings.¹³ Conversion demanded a radical and visible break with the “demon world” and past sins, often demonstrated through public confession and the destruction of religious paraphernalia.¹⁴

The emphasis on the immediate and tangible power of the Holy Spirit resonated deeply with a worldview already attuned to the reality of the spiritual realm.

Indigenous Agency and the People Movement

The defining characteristic of the Anshun Revival was the central role of the Miao people. They were not passive recipients of a foreign religion; they were active agents who seized upon the Christian message and transformed a missionary outreach into a self-sustaining, self-propagating indigenous movement.

Cultural Resonance: The Legend of the Lost Book

The Christian message did not arrive in a cultural vacuum. It resonated powerfully with a pre-existing mythological framework present among many Miao groups. A widespread legend held that the Miao had once possessed sacred books and a written language but had lost them during their flight from Han Chinese oppression. A prophecy foretold that a “King of the Miao” would one day appear and restore their lost books.²⁷

When missionaries like Adam and Pollard arrived, speaking their language, creating a written script, and presenting them with a printed book—the Bible—many Miao saw this as the direct fulfillment of their ancient legend.¹³ This cultural pre-conditioning gave the missionaries and their message an immediate and profound legitimacy. They were not seen as introducing something entirely alien, but as restoring something precious that had been lost.

The Miao as Evangelists

The engine of the revival’s explosive growth was peer-to-peer evangelism. New converts became zealous missionaries to their own people. Upon his conversion, one elderly man immediately proclaimed, “It is not good for us to keep such good news to ourselves,” and set off to tell his kinsmen in another village.¹³ Believers began to go out “two by two visiting the villages far and near, preaching, singing and praying”.¹³

In one instance, a Miao schoolteacher, after being given a copy of the Gospel of Luke and a hymnal, studied them and proceeded to teach the message first to his students and then to his entire village, which then collectively sought out the missionaries.¹³

This method of transmission through existing kinship and social networks was far more effective than foreign preaching could ever be and is the essence of a “people movement,” defined as conversion that occurs without causing social dislocation.²⁸

The Rise of Indigenous Leadership

From the outset, missionaries like Adam focused on empowering local leaders. He brought promising individuals into his own home for intensive discipleship and training.¹⁴ The result was a rapid transfer of responsibility to the burgeoning local church.

By 1911, the Anshun mission was supported by 19 paid indigenous evangelists, 3 female Bible teachers, and, most significantly, 192 unpaid local leaders who oversaw the new village congregations.¹³

This indigenous foundation was so strong that when skeptical mission leaders sent investigators to verify the revival’s authenticity, they concluded that it was unquestionably a work of the Holy Spirit, as it was a human impossibility for the handful of foreign missionaries to have personally taught the thousands of new believers.¹³

This embrace of Christianity became a powerful vehicle for strengthening Miao ethnic identity in opposition to the dominant Han culture. Rather than an act of cultural assimilation to the West, it was an act of cultural differentiation. Christianity offered a new, transcendent identity that was separate from the Han-dominated imperial system.⁹

The creation of a written script and the translation of the Bible into Miao languages further solidified a distinct Miao cultural and literary tradition, separate from Chinese characters.³⁰ By becoming Christian, the Miao could define themselves against their historical oppressors, creating a new and resilient basis for their collective identity.

Legacy and Long-Term Impact

The revival’s consequences were profound and enduring, resulting in explosive church growth, the creation of a literate culture, and the formation of a resilient indigenous church that has flourished for over a century.

Statistical Growth and Church Planting

The numerical growth sparked by the revival was dramatic. From a baseline of just 70 believers in the entire province in 1904, the numbers skyrocketed.¹³ In the Anshun district alone, 1,480 people were baptized in 1906. By the end of 1910, the district had 3,500 communicant members.¹²

Across the wider region, missionary Samuel Clarke estimated that within seven or eight years, some 50,000 people from various non-Han tribes had become at least nominally Christian.¹² This represents one of the most rapid and large-scale conversions to Christianity in modern Chinese history.

Year	Total Evangelical Believers (Province-wide, estimate)	Baptisms During Year (Anshun District)	Total Communicants (Anshun District, Cumulative)	Indigenous Evangelists (Anshun District)	Unpaid Local Leaders (Anshun District)	Mission Schools (Anshun District)
1904	123	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A
1906	N/A	1,480	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A
1907	N/A	>500	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A
1908	N/A	800	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A
1909	N/A	356	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A
1910	N/A	260	3,500	N/A	N/A	N/A
1911	N/A	N/A	3,504	19	192	13

Table 1: Statistical Growth of the Anshun CIM Mission (1904-1911). Data compiled from sources.¹²

The Gift of Literacy: The Pollard Script

A crucial and lasting legacy of the revival was the development of a written language. While Adam worked on a Romanized script, Methodist missionary Samuel Pollard developed a unique phonetic script for the A-Hmao language, inspired by a system used for the Native American Cree language.³⁰ The “Pollard Script” was simple, elegant, and easy to learn.

It quickly gained favour over other systems, leading to a mass literacy movement as villagers eagerly held Bible study classes and taught one another to read.³⁰ The Pollard script was a revolutionary cultural tool that not only enabled the dissemination of Christian scripture but also fostered a broader culture of literacy, education, and cultural preservation, becoming a cornerstone of modern Miao Christian identity.

Social and Cultural Transformation

The revival was a movement of profound social reform. The new Christian faith provided a moral framework that addressed many of the social ills plaguing Miao communities. Converts abandoned opium addiction and alcoholism.⁶ The church introduced new social norms, forbidding practices like infant betrothals and the requirement of a bride-price, and setting minimum ages for marriage.⁶

This holistic transformation—spiritual, moral, and social—gave a new sense of dignity and worth to a people who had been “crushed and despised for countless generations”.²⁷

While rooted in spiritual concerns, these outcomes—mass literacy, new social institutions, and reformed social norms—functioned as a powerful, if unintentional, engine of modernization, equipping the Miao Christian community to better navigate the immense changes of 20th-century China.

A Resilient Indigenous Church

The ultimate legacy of the 1906 Anshun Revival is the creation of a self-governing, self-supporting, and self-propagating church that has proven remarkably resilient. Founded on strong indigenous leadership from its inception, the Miao church endured the immense political upheavals of the following decades, including the expulsion of all foreign missionaries after 1949 and the intense persecution of the Cultural Revolution.⁶

During these periods, the faith was sustained and spread through a robust network of house churches and independent local evangelists.⁶ Today, the Christian population among the Miao peoples numbers close to one million, a direct testament to the movement’s enduring power.⁶

Conclusion

The 1906 Anshun Revival was a watershed moment in the history of Christianity in China. It was a complex event where historical grievances, missionary strategy, global spiritual currents, and indigenous aspirations converged with explosive force.

It was far more than a religious event; it was a socio-cultural revolution for the Miao people of Guizhou, providing them with a new spiritual framework, a new social order, a written language, and a renewed sense of ethnic identity.

The revival’s success and enduring legacy were not solely the work of foreign missionaries but were fundamentally driven by the Miao people themselves. They took ownership of the Christian faith, adapting it to meet their deepest spiritual and social needs and transforming it into a powerful vehicle for cultural survival and renewal.

The fire that was lit in the mountains of Guizhou in 1906 continues to burn today, a testament to the profound and lasting power of an indigenous “people movement.”

 

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